Arun
Shourie’s journalistic writings on the left secular historians
represent Hindutva’s attack on composite culture. They first appeared
as columns in the Asian Age and were subsequently brought
together and published by him in a book titled ‘Eminent Historians’.
Nalini Taneja, who teaches history at the University of Delhi,
reviews his controversial book.
It is
always welcome when a professional social scientist makes an effort to
put across the findings of his/her research in a popular form
intelligible to a larger lay audience. The same does not hold true when
a third rate ideologue of a communal political organisation decides to
step into the shoes of a professional historian. Well known for
misquoting, not providing pagination for the distortions he has brought
into documents and quotes of others, he surpasses himself as he treads
into new territory. One need only remember various responses to his
attack on the Communists for their political stand in1942, his book on
Ambedkar and his treatise on ‘Religion and Politics’ to realise that
intellectual honesty is not the strong point of this most ardent
follower of Goebbels. Arun Shourie, as in all other books that he has
penned, throws reason, professional integrity, and facts into the
dustbin as he publishes his own book on history and the secular
historians of Indian history.
One may
note that his Goebbelsian technique is directed only against those
secular historians he sees as outstepping their limited territory of
academic journals and monographs into the territory of text books and
popular reading material . It is also clear why he sees them as threats
to the world view he wishes to see as dominant in this country. After
all history has today become a part of popular political discourse, due
no doubt largely to the efforts of the Sangh Parivar.
The RSS
view of history has had certain pervasiveness in the school system which
has now spilled over into the streets. But despite this pervasiveness in
the school system as a whole, it has not completely succeeded in its
designs on the street, and the discourse remains a contested area whose
outcome is by no means predetermined, the BJP government in power or
not. This lack of unqualified success is primarily because, even given
the events/incidences of heightened disharmony, it contradicts
people’s own collective experience of shared heritage and every day
life – a truth publicised only recently by the findings of the massive
survey undertaken by the Anthropological Survey of India. While people
may not be familiar with the results of the survey, and they may even
contradict them in the absence of a conscious awareness of such facts,
it nevertheless is integral to their experiential reality and lived
cultural expression. And it is ultimately this truth that speaks through
the books that Shourie has singled out for attack.
There is
an affinity between what people experience as the sources of their
identity and cultural expression and what secular historiography
represents so vocally. There is even a greater affinity between what the
left- secular historians see as the purpose of their historiography and
the peoples’ own aspirations for freedom, equality and social justice.
This is the real reason why Arun Shourie, who stands for a Hindu Rashtra
and second class citizenship for the minorities and the lower castes,
cannot stomach the left – secular historiography.
Objectively,
the single most important purpose of Shourie’s book on these
historians and their craft is to provide ideological justification for
the attacks on the minorities which, even a cursory reading of the
newspapers would tell us, constitutes the immediate agenda of the Sangh
Parivar, and is ultimately their most well tried out strategy for
undermining popular unity against casteism and economic oppression.
He does
not speak, he rails against what he sees as historical wrongs against
what he perceives as the Hindu community. There is no attempt to come to
terms with or contend against the whole sea of evidence in the works of
these scholars, or even other scholars not of the same political
persuasion, in his hurry to repeat his charges of academic shallowness
and a malafide rendering of Indian history which he accuses them of.
Aware as he surely must be that he has picked up their school level
texts, rather than their more full studies, where the possibility of
providing full evidence for ones’ conclusions is not available, he
accuses them of making statements that are not historically justified.
It is, in fact, Shourie’s own method and intentions which are highly
malafide and questionable.
His
misquotations and deliberate misreading of the texts of DN. Jha and DD
Kosambi have been exposed at length by Visva Mohan Jha in his review of
the book in the Asian Age. The textbook on medieval India can hardly
hope to win Shourie’s approval if it does not consider the Muslims as
genetically prone to violence whose only duty in life is to destroy the
Hindus. If in addition it sees some cultural advances in the centuries
that are for him one unending saga of cruelty and conversion then at
least Shourie is not one to give it his stamp of approval. Any one who
has even the slightest familiarity with Bipan Chandra’s work,
particularly with the very book Shourie is commenting on, would know
that he could be considered a bit soft on the Congress, but by no
stretch of imagination can he be accused of partiality towards the
Muslim communalists. He is very critical of Jinnah and the Muslim League
and clearly recognises the limitations of Saiyed Ahmed Khan and the
Aligarh Movement.
About
Shourie’s forays into the Towards Freedom project the less said
the better. Even here he is relying on the unfamiliarity of the lay
person with the nature of the work involved in the project, the sheer
effort in collecting the material, the annotations and the notes, the
actual processes in printing a volume of three thousand odd pages. Any
number of times it has been clarified publicly that the costs involved
are for the volumes as a whole, the research assistance required etc.,
and that the historians concerned have not individually received this
money. But he nevertheless goes on relentlessly with his lies, quoting
figures which pertain to specific project costs while he is talking of
individual ‘gains’. It is the same with regard to his other
contentions regarding the ICHR, many of which lie purely in the realm of
fantasy. The fact sheet on the ICHR is sufficient to demolish his
contention that the council has always been filled with historians of
the Left, or that only their books have been selected for translations.
As for his comment that historians like Romila Thapar, Irfan Habib,
Sumit Sarkar, KN Panikkar, Bipan Chandra and RS Sharma owe their stature
to reviewing each others work is enough to make a laughing stock of him
anywhere.
Obviously
he has chosen his audience carefully. Nobody even remotely connected
with the world of social sciences would waste their money on the book.
But then again pitching one’s lies where they cannot be caught out and
among people who have little means of verifying the facts or the
expertise to challenge the documentation and its reading is the hallmark
of all fascist propaganda, and a regular practice with Arun Shourie.
But what
really needs to be underscored is the reason why he is forced again and
again to resort to the time tested fascist method of appeal to unreason
in order to present his critique of the secular historians, or why the
strongest epithet that he can find to critique their academic work is to
refer to them sarcastically as "their eminencies". It is not
the first time that unreason has been used as an ideological tool to
undermine the growing influence of political ideologies that challenge
the system, or to provide answers for peoples discontent along lines
that would divide rather than unite them in struggle.
He has
systematically chosen his enemies--beginning with the Sikhs and the
Bangladeshi refugees in the early 80’s to lend crescendo to the
anti-Sikh riots and the massacres of the Muslims in Assam, justifying
Nellie killings as well as state terrorism in Punjab--all in the name of
democracy and order. The big book on the Quran was timed as
accompaniment to the rising tempo of anti-Muslim propaganda and the rath
yatra leading to the demolition of the Babri Masjid and the ensuing anti
Muslim pogroms. The Christian Missionaries book marked the beginning of
attacks on the Christian minorities, now reaching proportions that have
compelled the Christian organisations to document and publicise the
outrages. And one does not need much political acumen to know the reason
for the latest attacks on Ambedkar and the secular left-oriented
historians. Mr. Shourie we can see as well as we can that the most
urgent need today of the democratic movement in this country is to
somehow achieve a unity of the upsurge among the lower castes with the
popular struggles against the economic policies of liberalisation and
globalisation.
Today
cynicism is pervasive to an extent where nothing succeeds in putting
down one’s enemies faster than questioning their integrity. In a
political ethos rampant with corruption, such vilification is the surest
way of disarming one’s enemy and also rendering them friendless. It is
also the surest way of killing any spark of hope that may remain to
kindle a movement concerned with the larger interests of society. His is
an age-old method used in all times by the political ideologues of his
genre.
Violence
is inherent in every thing ever written by him. Even at his
sanctimonious best he cannot hide his hatred for what he does not
uphold. He does not hate structures – it is the people who uphold
those structures that he hates. He is quite comfortable with things as
they exist provided they are not hindrances in the path to the Hindu
Rashtra. Politicians are corrupt only to the extent that they oppose the
Sangh Parivar and laws exist for him only to punish those who are not
advocates of the Hindu Rashtra. He has presumably not heard of the
attacks every other day on the Christians and the Muslims, immersed so
deeply that he is in exploring the historical legacy of this country,
and the Bajrang Dal and Shiv Sainiks are no doubt for him the greatest
symbols of justice and democracy. He has even managed to write a book
Elements of Fascism without encountering their likes!
The
effect of his own writings when translated into street language and
acted upon is of supreme unconcern to him as is the fact that those
found guilty of inciting communal violence are sitting pretty as Home
Minister and with other important state positions. In fact he has
written this latest book precisely that it may find echo in newspapers
like Jagran and Amar Ujala--which is exactly what is
happening--whose editors and journalists would ultimately be held
responsible by people analysing the role of the media in fanning
communal tensions. Shourie himself after all this would, as always, look
sanctimoniously in the air with a posture of pain--what can anybody do
if the ‘truth’ hurts- literally.