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Interview with Jack Hawke
By Joel Raupe
An NCC Exclusive
Chairman of North CarolinaТs Republican Party for nine years, conservative activist, and high-power campaign consultant, Jack Hawke left all that behind in April to head up the recently formed John William Pope Civitas Institute in Raleigh. As he assembled his team, installed phones and put together furniture in the InstituteТs offices near the state Capitol, Hawke paused long enough to answer questions about the future of conservatism and the role of leadership in steering public policy.
NCC-Tell us a little about your background, and your long experience with Republican Politics in North Carolina.
My father was a Methodist minister, and I went to grade school in Binghamton, New York, attended Drew University, a small Methodist affiliated college in New Jersey, and Duke Law School. My political experience began in leading a youth group in church, and later I got involved in Jim Gardner campaigns for Congress, fell in love with the state and the rest, as they say, is history.
I managed Jim GardnerТs congressional campaign in 1966, and we won 58 percent of the vote, winning in agricultural areas and in counties thought to be Democrat strongholds, that included Raleigh and Chapel Hill. At that time, Jesse Helms was a Democrat and a commentator on WRAL-TV in Raleigh. Redistricting played a big part in politics then as it still does. The Democrat legislature gerrymandered Jim Gardner out, and they got Jim Broyhill.
The Party divided between Jim Gardner, who was cast as a Conservative from the east, and Governor HolshauserТs wing identified with old Republican mountain strongholds.
When Jim Gardner was chairman of Party, the Congressional Club was organized to run Jesse Helms for the Senate and to raise the necessary money run conservative Republicans for the U.S. Senate and House.
I ran for Congress in 1970 and in 1972 when I lost by 900 votes. It later became apparent that 800 voters in Durham were unregistered, voting places were kept open late in liberal areas and closed in more conservative areas and voting machines were realigned forcing people to wait in line longer in favorable precincts with no waiting elsewhere. Sound familiar?
NCC-You also served in Gov. Jim MartinТs and Governor HolshauserТs administrations.
Under Governor Holshauser, I was Deputy Secretary of Transportation. The President appointed me to be chairman of the Coastal Plains Commission, which included all the Governors of the states on the coast, including Georgia Gov. Jimmy Carter (laughs). Of course, the 1974 and 1976 campaigns were big losses for Republicans, after Watergate. Republicans in North Carolina had come a long way toward showing we were different, that we were not as susceptible to corruption. After President NixonТs resignation, and the fall of Saigon, Republicans were perceived as not being different after all, and it almost erased all the progress we had made.
I headed up Jim MartinТs first campaign for Governor, and became his chief policy analyst and director of the State Policy Commission.
NCC-How did you become chairman of the NCGOP?
Governor Martin endorsed me while Senator Helms and the Congressional Club worked for Barry McCarty, and it was a very bitter fight. The Club faction worked the counties and we worked the precincts, and in the end we had the votes and McCarty withdrew.
In 1988, we led the nation in numbers picked up in the legislature, re-elected Governor Martin and elected Jim Gardner Lt. Governor. In 1990 we picked up more seats and in 1992 we held our own. Everyone remembers 1994 as the year of the Gingrich Revolution, when Republicans took control of the U.S. House for the first time in forty years, but I agree with those who say good luck is when opportunity meets good preparation. Great Republican gains that year were by no means certain when I traveled around the state preparing the plan for the Т94 election. In 1995, I stepped down.
NCC-Have you been a consultant since then?
IТve certainly been a grandfather since then, with eleven grandsons and one granddaughter. Seriously though, IТve done some consulting, but as a general rule, I help when IТm asked by friends who I respect and who want to run. I recruited Virginia Foxx to run for the state Senate in 1993, and I was pleased when the misconception that she was something of a liberal was proven false when her service and voting record showed her to be a conservative.
I helped Art Pope in 1992 and Steve Arnold in 1996 in their campaigns for Lt. Governor. Both of these people are examples of friends with demonstrated strong core values and dedication, as was Betsy Cochrane in 2000 and Dan Page in his congressional campaign.
NCC-What went wrong in the North Carolina GovernorТs race last year?
Three things. Most people didnТt notice, but when the state Supreme Court affirmed the second Stephenson redistricting decision, the General Assembly was ordered to draw legal district plans for the state House and Senate during the summer session in 2003. The Democrat leaders and their Republican allies waited until November to hold a two day Special Session to deliver up plans that were admittedly more legal but still probably out of compliance the decision. In the law that created the districts for 2004, they stripped the Superior Court in charge of Stephenson and placed all redistricting cases in Wake County. That same law ordered the State Board of Elections to delay the 2004 primary for all races until the last possible moment if any lawsuit over those maps was filed.
Of course, they filed a counter lawsuit to Stephenson in Wake County almost immediately, in effect forcing the Primary Election from May until July.
Second, after the Primary and after Richard Vinroot pulled out of the race to help Patrick Ballantine, it was still already very late in the campaign. Patrick Ballantine was low on money after the long campaign for the Republican nomination, and he began the General Election campaign against Mike Easley with nine percent name identification.
Easley, who was flush with millions of unspent dollars, knowing BallantineТs name identification was inevitably going to go up as November fast approached, immediately began running heavy statewide advertising identifying him as the liberal in the race based on budget votes long before he became Senate Republican Leader in 1999.
Third, while allowing the Democrat Governors to pay for advertising aimed at Ballantine, the State Board of Elections stopped Republican Governors from spending money to help Ballantine, using an embargo and the delaying of appeals as the clock kept ticking, all based on a campaign finance law passed by the General Assembly just after midnight in a rare Sunday morning session in late July, while few were watching.
When people read most daily newspapers or read their websites, they can usually find national and international news, and local news, but almost nothing specific to state news. Some say the liberals in control of state government in Raleigh use this to successfully hide what goes on there, and making it hard for conservatives to get anyone to understand how important the happenings in Raleigh are to their daily lives. Do you agree with that?
NCC-IТm afraid itТs our own fault.
They say people know what happened today in Iraq, and about the potholes in their neighborhoods, but doesnТt it make sense that the average voter doesnТt understand how the General Assembly may be directly responsible for their local property taxes going up, because of the mainstream media is driven by the, so-called, Сnational conversation?Т
Republicans are on the march, nationwide, and especially in the South. The situation you describe is true in those states as much as it is here in North Carolina. We should be asking what conservatives are they doing in those states that weТre not doing here.
A recent statewide poll indicated 77 percent of voters in North Carolina are in accord with the values written in the Republican platform, and yet they vote for Republicans for President and the Congressional Delegation. What are we doing wrong? What should conservatives be doing, in the Republican Party for example?
And, by a slight majority, voters statewide have voted for Republicans to the state House and Senate in Raleigh for at least the past three elections. Gerrymandering still plays a big part.
But, Republicans need an aggressive campaign to register voters. Registration drives are long overdue, not big announced drives, but determined efforts to challenge the counties with recognition of successes.
We were making great gains, but for the last ten years our per capita registration has remained static. WeТre falling behind the other southern states because, unlike on the national level, on the state level the average voter doesnТt understand the difference between Republicans and Democrats. Republicans still need to be a little bit better than Democrats to overcome long-held prejudices. We need to be better in recruiting and cultivating candidates and overcoming the perception that we are a closed club. We need to invite them in.
Most of the Sunbelt states have succeeded in this, and, as I said, Republicans are on the march today. We better begin doing better on the state level soon, because, while were on the upside nationally, remember 1974 and 1976. Another downside, beyond our control, will come along again one day.
NCC-ItТs not as though it hasnТt happened before. When sizing up a potential candidate, what are the qualities you would look for? What qualities make for a good candidate and, beyond that, a good elected public official?
IТm glad you asked that last part. In short, I look for core values. Unless a candidate has core values, real core beliefs, they will swing with breeze.
I hate to admit it, but in the words of Tom Ellis, Jesse HelmsТ old friend and advisor, they need Сlots of hair and teeth.Т You need to look and sound good on television.
Beyond that, I look for the things that show the fruit from the tree grown in strong core values, like a good family, someone involved, not just attending church services. Coach K, at Duke, has said as much in public. He says he recruits the family as much as the player.
Another thing I hate to admit, but I have to notice how the national committees sort out candidates. If you want people who raise money to donate money, demonstrate at least some willingness and a little talent at raising money yourself. УDonТt talk to us unless you have $100,000,Ф is something you hear a lot.
NCC-WeТve heard you wonТt be attending the NCGOP Convention this year, for the first time in quite a while. The Associated Press has reported this is because of your commitment to the success of the non-partisan but conservative John William Pope Civitas Institute in Raleigh. Tell us about this new organization, and how it differs from other conservative and libertarian organizations already active in Raleigh.
Well, the name says a lot. The Latin word УCivitasФ relates us toward civility and civilization. The First Principles that hold our civilization together are worth conserving.
This can be done in variety of ways using a variety of strategies and tactics.
The John William Pope Civitas Institute will work to present sound conservative alternatives and also to implement conservative success at the polls and in state government. We are building three departments. The Research Department will develop a conservative approach to public policy issues facing North Carolina, gathering data and interpreting information for the use of state leaders.
The Communications Department will serve as our voice, disseminating information to as large a portion of the public as possible. And the Leadership Institutes will link conservative theory to practical application. They will present regular seminars for community leaders, graduate and undergraduate students, and they will present seminars for newly elected officials interested in preparing for the challenge of local and state public service.
Joel Raupe, who interviewed Jack Hawke for NCC, is Chief Legislative Analyst for the John William Pope Civitas Institute. He was Administrative Assistant to the Senate Republican Leader from 1999 Ц 2005.
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