Autonomous Republic of Abkhazia is located in the North-Western part of Georgia on the Black Sea coast. From North it borders with Russia. Size of Abkhazia's territory is 8,7 thousand square kilometers, which comprises 12,5% of Georgia's total territory. Historically its territory was inhabited by two related ethnic groups Georgians and Abkhazians.

During the times of their living together these two people never engaged in warfare or ethnic confrontation. Good cultural and political relations between Georgians and Abkhazians were not hindered even by 300 years of Turkish influence. What religious differences failed to achieve (part of Abkhaz population is Muslim and part Orthodox Christian) was achieved by the Russian imperial politics.

Separating Abkhazia from Georgia became a primary goal both for Russian imperial bureaucracy and for Bolshevik leaders of the Soviet Union. In April of 1921, within the two months of Georgia's occupation by Russian Red Army, Defense Attache of Russia General Sitin declared that the best way to fight Georgian national liberation movement was first to leave Red Army in Georgia and second to separate Abkhazia from the reblic. If such action is delayed, said Sitin "it will have the most undesirable consequences for us."

Georgia declared its independence in 1990. For Russia this had a big geopolitical importance for maintaining its influence in Caucasus. In orderto protect its interests Russia began to play the card of autonomous republics by provoking ethnic conflicts in these regions. Russian imperialists and communists intheearly 90s benefited from a well prepared ground, which first was developed in 19th century by Russian empire and then inherited by Communist Russia. The hidden reason of Abkhaz conflict should be found in the imperial form of Russian governance.

According to the population census, conducted in 1989 Abkhazia's population amounted to 521,1 thousand people comprising 10% of Georgia's total population. Georgian nationals amounted to 289 thousand, i.e. 45,7% of Abkhazia's total population. Abkhazians were 93,3 thousand (17,8%), while the rest of the population was comprised by Armenians (76,7thousand -14,6%), Russians (74,9thousand -14,3%), Greeks (14,7 thousand - 2,8%), Ukrainians (11,6 thousand - 2,2%), Belorussians (2,1 thousand - 0,4%), Jews (1,752 - 0,3%), Azeris, Estonians and others. In spite of such multiethnic consistency of Abkhazia's population, Abkhazians themselves were considered as a privileged ethnic group. Even during the Soviet times, out of 15 deputies of the Soviet Supreme Council 8 were Abkhazians. Out of 12 ministers of the autonomous republic 8 were Abkhazians. Abkhaz nationals had their schools, university, television, theater, press etc. Young students from Abkhazia usually were among the first to be accepted at the universities and schools of high er education.

Elections to the local Supreme Council of Abkhazia conducted in 1991 were also discriminatory. In spite of small share of Abkhaz nationals with-inAbkhazia's population, they received28seatsintheCouncil, Georgians received 26 and the rest only 11. One of the biggest mistakes of Georgia's government back in the early 90s was adoption of such discriminatory and antidemocratic election law, which legalized privileges of Abkhaz nationals of the autonomous region. Thus, allthe legends spread by the Abkhaz separatists about their alleged discrimination by Georgians is farfrom reality. Indeed Georgians, as well as other ethnic groups living in Abkhazia were much more restricted in their rights than Abkhazians. These privileges led to establishment of the so called Abkhaz nomenclature, which started to spread separatist ideas among the population. This former communist beaurocracy represents the core of separatist political elite inAbkhazia, which maintains closeties with Russian communists and other reactionary forces within the Russian Federation. For decades Soviet political elite fostered the idea of separating Abkhazia from Georgia and uniting it with Russia. An open russification policy was conducted, a good example of which is adoption of Russian script Kirilica in 1950 as an official script for Abkhaz language. In 1957 representatives of Abkhaz intelligentsia appealed to the Soviet government asking to admit Abkhazia as a part of Russian Federation. The same request was repeated in 1967 and 1978. This attempt of separation failed only because it would have been considered as an open violation of Georgia's territorial integrity. At that time Russia was already paying big attention to international society, as opposed to the early 20s, when Russia easily managed to take Sochi and its neighboring territories from Georgia. In 1988 Abkhazians started to demand complete independence. In 1989 Abkhaz nationalist organization "Aidgilara" made an official request of independence and in July of the same year provoked clash between the Georgian and Abkhaz population. As a result of this encounter 17 people died and 448 were wounded.

In the beginning of 1990s Abkhaz separatists started an open preparation for a warfare, which was proved by numerous documents and facts of forceful migration of Georgians from the region. From March 17 of 1991 till August 14 of 1992 Georgian population of villages in Gudauta was forcedtoflee. Georgian specialists werefiredfrom Sukhumi research and scientific institutes, so these organizations they would become monoethnic, i.e. 100% Abkhaz. Deliberate preparation of Abkhazians for war is proved by the Supreme Council's decree signed by the current leader of separatists Ardzinba, about changes and amendments to the rule of military movements and dislocation of military bases. According to this decree all military bases, their property and equipment dislocated on the territory of Abkhazia goes under the jurisdiction of Abkhaz Autonomous Republic. As a result, Abkhazians created monoethnic Abkhazian guard forces. Ardzinba's above mentioned decree was followed by others In 1992 Abkhaz Supreme Council took control over the law enforcement and security bodies of the republic. In April-May of 1992, Ardzinba announced military mobilization of the republic and started recruitment of young soldiers who turned 18.

Simultaneously Russian militaries began supplying the separatists with weapons and necessary military equipment. Often this action was sold to. the public as a continues attack and robbery of Russian military bases. As a result of these developments, Abkhazians received thousands of weapons, heavy artillery and other military equipment. It is important to note that since 1992 in number of Abkhaz cities like Sukhumi, Ochamchiri and others, began the process of illegal residence permit issuance. More than 100 Muslims from Jordan, Syria and other countries received residence permits in Abkhazia. Laterthese people actively participated in the war. At the same time, Abkhazians continuously celebrated holidays of North Caucasian nationals, duringwhich hundreds of North Caucasians were entering and staying in Abkhazia, in order to better prepare for the war. Some of these citizens from Russia's south where coming to Abkhazia under the pretext of entering Sukhumi University. In many Russian cities and regions group of killers and hired warriors began to organize themselves in support of "poor Abkhazia". It became known that 60% of Abkhaz military units consisted of voluntary or hired killers.

In the special military camps of Gudauta Russian militaries and instructors were training voluntary groups from North Caucasus and other regions of Russian Federation.

Leader of breakaway Abkhazia Vladislav Ardzinba said in his interview with Russian scientist Svetlana Chervonnaya, that "we are ready. In half an hour Abkhazia can mobilize all of its population. Our reserves are full of your, Russian weapons and in case of need, we can get three times as much. Kozaks are also supporting us and if the war begins, not only Caucasus, butall of Russiawill get involved. "These words were later published by Svetlana Chervonnaya in her book on Abkhazia. Since the winter of 1992 western Georgia was completely destabilized with the civil warflaming up. Part of the population was supporting former president Gamsakhurdia and another part was in favor of new democratic government. Abkhazian problem was basically overlooked. At the same time in the western Georgia paramilitary groups were conducting continues attacks and pillages. According to Georgian office of public prosecutor, in Abkhazia-Samegrelo part of the railway 1923 wagons were robbed and 1442 criminal cases were recorded. Transportation in the region was completely halted, even though railway was vital for the whole Transcaucasia. As a result of railway blockade, Georgia and Armenia got on the verge of economic catastrophe. Losses of Georgian economy amounted to 11 billion Russian rubles. Resolution of this problem became the top priority for a newly independent Georgia. Georgian government, upon agreement of Abkhaz government, declared that railway and main highways will be controlled by the forces of interior ministry in order restore conditions for their proper functioning and to curtail further robberies. Even Ardzinba admitted at the government meeting, that if they fail to restore stability, Abkhaz government will have to ask Tbilisi for assistance.

During the similar retreat in July, 1993, when Georgians withdrew heavy artillery from Sukhumi. Abkhaz separatists using good moment gained control of the city. In spite of great resistance Sukhumi fell in September 27,1993. Georgian leading militaries showed extreme disorganization and failed to lead the population safely out of the region. The separatists did not lose time to kill and torture civilias in every village of Abkhazia. The main victims of the conflict, however, became members of Georgian intelligentsia living and working in Abkhazia. On the day of Sukhumi's fall, the separatists imprisoned and tortured to death head of the Ministers' Council of Abkhazia Zhiuli Shartava, also the mayor of Sukhumi G. Gabiskiria, as well as many ordinary workers of the city administration. Assistant doctor of the Gagra hospital saw a corpse of a little girl stubbed to death with the following writting on her body: "Just like this girl will never be whole again, Abkhazia will never become part of Georgia." (Similar events were recorded after the fall of Sokhumi) Among the punished also were Russians, Armenians and othe nationals, who dared to-protect Georgians.

Out of 119,180 residents of Sukhumi 49,460 were Georgians. More than 1000 were killed, mostly women and children. Around 400 people were executed in the "Kurchenko park". The rest were forced out of the city, only because of their Georgian nationality. According to some witnesses, drunk Kozak and Abkhaz warriors were plying soccer with the heads of dead people.

This is how, the third wave of genocide against Georgians began in September of 1993. Before that, Georgians were killed and forced out of Gudauta and Gagra-Bichvinta regions. From August 14 until September 2,1992 Georgians were forced out of Gudauta. From October2,1992 until September 16,1992 Georgian population was massacred in Gagra and its neighboring territories. According to witnesses, before the famous attack on Gagra, the leader of Abkhaz separatists promised financial awards for those who will "clean" the city from Georgians.

At the Gagra stadium, the separatists killed about 600 Georgians, destroying entire families. They were stabbing pregnant women and writing on their corpses "meat of Georgians for sale." Among the punished were other nationals as well, who dared to support Georgians during the conflict. By the end of September 1993, genocide of the Georgian population started in Sukhumi was carried on in the neighboring villages and towns, Gulripshi, Ochamchiri, Gali and Tkvarcheli. The main victims turned out to be those who failed to escape and were mercilessly tortured. A Cholaria resident of Sukhumi was killed in front of his Abkhaz wife and children. His wife was thrown into the hole with the dead husband and his 14 year old daughter raped by three "boyeviks." In village Tarnish, the boyeviks ran over 44 .Georgians by a tank, killed a three year old child and displaced his head publicly on a gate. For 25 days, the separatists kept a concentration camp in Ochamchiri, in which they continuously tortured and raped more than 300 women and children. The population fled Abkhazia, trying to escape via the mountains. However, the snow and cold weather killed in the mountains more than 400 IDPs. The separatists were particularly cruel with children. They first tortured, than together with his brother killed 16 year old Slava Lezhava (October 13, 1995).

They killed 8 year old Napo Uzarashvili together with his mother in 1994. Five Chechens raped a 12 year old Mariam Chopliani in front of her mother (October 3,1992). In the same year, boyeviks stabbed a 15 year old NikoPipia and burned alive 10 and 12 year old sisters. In the Gali region, members of the so called "interbrigade" raped 12 and 16 year old sisters in'front of their father, after which the father lost his mind (May, 1998). Ethnic cleansing conducted in 1992-98 resulted in death of more than 641 civilian young people, while many have disappeared. OSCE meeting in Budapest (1994) characterized action of Abkhaz separatists against Georgians as ethnic cleansing. Together with Georgians, Abkhazia left other nationals because situation in the region was getting out of control. Both in cities and villages, paramilitary groups were killing, robbing and persecuting civilian population of all nationalities. Banditism, kidnapping with demand of ransom and taking hostages is still a common practice in Abkhazia.

Separatists often kidnap Georgians, keep them as hostages and force them to do a heavy, phys ical work without any compensation. Extremely tense criminal, as well as socio-economic situation of the region, forced many Abkhazians, Russians andArmenians leave Abkhazia. Armenian schools were closed and 60% of Armenian population fled from the region. Those who stayed in Abkhazia were elderly people with no chances of finding a shelter some place else. According to some statistical data for January 1, 1997, 40,774 Abkhazians left the region. Most of them were youngsters, who could not see any prospects for their future well being in Abkhazia. They, together with many Georgians, Russians, and Armenians went to Russia or to other countries of the CIS. A small number of Abkhaz refugees went to different countries of Europe.

In 1996, when the biggest part of Abkhazia's population has left the region, the separatists held elections, which was unlawful because of simple absence of the voters. The majority of the population, as mentioned above escaped either to different parts of Georgia or to the CIS countries. "Elected" president and parliament by the remnants of the population could not be counted as a legitimate government and it has never been recognized so by the international community. It is importantto note that elections in Abkhazia were held with big support of Russian peacekeepers. Abkhaz separatists, on the other hand were trying to justify their criminal actions and genocide by legitimizing their gov-ernment.

Economic activity in Abkhazia has been completely halted. The region, which used to be famous for its touristic attractions and popular resorts, is now in ruins. The only source of income for the remaining population is agriculture, mainly cultivation of nuts and citruces. Georgians and other nationals in the Gali region often have to give up their products for a very low price, so that later they will be exported to Russia. A limited amount of cash was circulating in the region before May, 1998, when the separatists undertooktheir last attack on Gali. Health care in Abkhazia is deteriorating and the health care reform of Georgia never reached Abkhazia. The separatist government is not taking responsibility for protecting people's health, while the population itself is unable to pay for medical services. At the same time, the big problem is lack of medical personnel. The Ochamchiri hospital has only one surgeon. First aid equipment and medcation does not exist and the hospital is likely to be closed. Ministry of Health of Abkhazia and international observers underline widespread drug abuse, especially among the soldiers. Only Abkhaz schools are open in Abkhazia and they are in sever straits. The separatists would not allow to study in Georgian and the whole education system stopped functioning. Last year, population which sporadically returned to Gali renovated several schools and resumed studies, but after May-June confrontation all the schools were once again destroyed. Forthe remaining population of Abkhazia, mined territory is a big problem. There are numerous mined roads connecting Gali-Ochamchiri-Sukhumi and number of civilians killed on mines, twice exceed the number of killed militaries. Recently, in July 8 people died as a result of mine explosion including two women.

The worst result of Abkhazconflict was destruction of friendly neighboring relations. Friends turned into enemies for each other and families separated. However, many Abkhazians with Georgian spouses were killed or persecuted. At the same time there were numerous cases when Abkhazians or Russians would hide their friends and neighbors and thus save their lives.

Many professors of Sukhumi university would tell you how they were saved by their former students. One resident of Gudauta, kept several Georgians in his house for three days, although the separatists finally found and killed them. Only 15 year old boy managed to survive. The Abkhazian himself barely survived. An outrageous event took place in Gulripshi in 1994, when afather killed his 22 year old son for defending his Georgian mother and grandmother.^Parents of Georgian MP Anzor Tsotsonava were hiding with their Russian neighbors. The separatists found them and killed both Georgians and Russians on October 13,1993. In May-June of the current year Abkhaz separatists organized another genocide of the Georgian population, which was preceded by continues attacks on Georgian villages and anti-Georgian demonstrations. Abkhazians were distributing papers with appeals to clean Abkhazia from Georgians, in which they practically succeeded. We are emphasizing these recent events in the Gali region, because the conflict resumed exactly when Georgian and Abkhaz authorities agreed to set up ajointGeorgian-Abkhaz administration forGali. This agreement has never been fulfilled as a result of the recent ethnic cleansing. The population which slowly began to return to their homes during past two years had to flee again. Since September 30,1993 the Gali region which was completely populated by Georgian nationals and which did not participate in actual warfare, was constantly subject to ethnic cleansing. In 1994, the separatists and their supporter boyeviks killed more than 800 people mostly women and children, burned about4,200 houses and forced out of their homes thousands of people. Next wave of ethnic cleansing in 1995-96 resuited in 400 civilian casualties and hundreds of burned houses, This practice to a varying extent continued throughout the 1997. During these years Abkhaz boyeviks continuously attacked Georgian villages, which kept the Georgian population under permanent fear. Boyeviks used to kidnap people and than ask for ransom. This provoked big resistance from the Georgian population. Georgian men often got involved in armed confrontation, even though against heavy artillery of Abkhazians they were helpless. On May 10, the separatists brought "Bagramian battalion" into the village Mziuri, which attacked the civilian population, burned the houses, took hostages and later burned the building of electronic communications. On May 18 and 20, Abkhaz boyeviks entered two villages of the Gali region in 5 buses trying to organize an attack. They were met with a limited resistance from the population.

On May 20, 800 boyeviks entered Georgian villages Repro-Etseri and Khumushkuri. They were armed with machine-guns, bomb-launchers and grenade projectors. The local population with the help of Georgian partisans was trying to resist the separatist's attack. However, the boyeviks received a backup from other groups and continued the fight. On May 24, as a result of continues attack more than 36 thousand civilians were forced to leave their houses and lookfor a refuge in the Zugdidi region. By June 29, it became known that about 62 people were killed or burned, including 3 children and 7 women. 43 people are lost or taken as a hostage and more than 2000 houses are burned down. Resistance from the Georgian partisans substantially reduced the number of civilian casualties. Most of the killed were elderly people, like 103 year old Duru Tabagua, who was burned alive in his house and 95 year old Lili Buliskeria. Four 70 year old citizens were shot in the village Khani. On May 24, the separatists killed journalist of the newspaper"Resonance" George Chania. Attack of the boyeviks on Gali region still continues. The houses are still being burned and robbed, the cattle destroyed. According to the witnesses, streets are cov- ered with the corpses of dead an- imals. The Abkhaz separatists are destroying and burning the bridges. Forces of the so called Abkhaz Interior Ministry intend to control coast line of the river

Enguri, so that the population is not able to cross the river and return home. •The separatist military forces even managed to cross the river Enguri and attack Georgian villages in the Zugdidi river, which are located in 12 km zone controlled by the Russian peacekeepers. The Boyeviks kidnapped several people and asked for a ransom. For example, on May 28 Abkhaz separatists entered the village Khurcha and kidnapped two young Georgians. Russian peacekeepers have been staying in the conflict zone for several years, but they chose a position of passive observers. Generally, Russian peacekeepers are regarded as spectators of the conflict, since during their stay more than 1,500 civilians were killed and 90% of the houses destroyed. Georgian public believes that Russians are pur suing their own interests in the conflict. There exists substantial evidence for saying that Abkhaz separatist government is encouraged and supported by the Russians. Not only radical Russian forces are involved in the conflict, but also several Mafia clans who have their own economic interests in Abkhazia. This is not surprising, since Abkhazia is important for its strategic location and for the unique touristic attractions and resorts. Abkhaz separatists are ready to give up their resorts basically free of charge.

According to some witnesses, the separatist boyeviks are still supported by the Russian militaries as it was during the war. They say that number 1 and 2 schools ofthe Gali region are nowfull of Russian military equipment,which was given to the separatists.

It is worth mentioning, that famous events of May-June took place in the 12 km zone controlled by the Russian peacekeeping forces. Some observers say that Russian soldiers even directly participated in the "punishing" attacks. On June 23, in the village Otobaia Russian militaries and Abkhaz separatists were robbing the houses together and killing the witnesses.

In the previous years numerous cases of Russian peacekeepers' participation in the conflict were recorded. They often persecuted the civilian population and forced I DPs to give away money. Below we will describe some facts from unlawful activities ofthe Russian peacekeepers. In March of 1995, members of one ofthe Russian peacekeeping units detained several Georgians and turned them over to Abkhaz separatists. One ofthe detained persons E. Basariawas beaten to death in prison and the rest are considered to have disappeared. On April 14, 1995 drunk Russian colonel VolkovcametoZugdidi regional police station at4o'clock in the morning and demanded release of an imprisoned V. Gegechkori. After the policemen refused to release Gegechkori, Volkov organized an attack on the police station and tookoverthe police guns and equipment. On August 19, 1995 drunk Russian peacekeepers attacked villages of Zugdidi region and opened fire on Tsalenjikha police station, insulting the policemen. In March of 1994, Russian peacekeepers detained a I DPs from Sukhumi T. Kopaliani, took his car and asked for 8 million rubles in return. It is widely known that Russian peacekeepers abused their authority, often got engaged in drug trafficking and in illegal export of timber and scrap metal from

Abkhazia. Leaders of Russian peacekeepers, despite many appeals and accusations ignore such events.

Accordingto Russian militaries, since the beginning of the conflict Russian peacekeepers lost 60 soldiers. However, only part of them died in actual fighting. Many soldiers became victims of their drunk or mentally unstable colleagues. One Russian soldier, killed ten of his counterparts, when they were sleeping at night.

Taking into consideration ineffective work of Russian peacekeepers, Georgian public prefers to introduce mixed peacekeeping forces. Georgian government believes that number of countries involved in the peacekeeping process of Abkhazia should considerably increase. Abkhazians, however, are very much against it. During past six years of the conflict no progress has been made in political regulation of Abkhaz problem. None of the resolutions passed by the OSCE.UN and the CIS were fulfilled by the Abkhaz side. In front of the UN observers, the Abkhaz separatists continue to violate human rights and blame Georgians in provoking the conflict. As a result of the recent ethnic cleansing during May-June 1998, thousands of IDPs escaped to the main city Zugdidi, where total number of "old" and "new" IDPs amount to 100 thousand. People live in schools, kindergartens and in other administrative buildings. New wave of IDPs put in question resumption of school semesters. There are only 16 schools in Zugdidi and in 14, live "new" IDPs, as well as in all kindergartens. Resumption of studies in September will be impossible, unless the IDPs are moved some place else. Other places unfortunately are not available. People live in terrible conditions. 7-8 families stay in one classroom, the majority of which sleep on the floor because of lack of beds. These people haunted by hunger, fear and death lost their last hopes of ever going back. Mostof them lost their houses and have no place to return. In spite of many efforts by international humanitarian organizations their living conditions are disastrous. IDPs from 1992-93 are in similar dire straits. Most of them live in different parts of Georgia and very limited number of them work in accordance with their level of education and qualification. The majority of the refugees are unemployed and try to survive by small scale trading. Young people have to find ways of survival, which does not exclude prostitution and criminal activity.

Georgian government is in favor of peaceful solution of the conflict, because another armed confrontation will lead to complete extinction of small Abkhaz nation. Georgia's future cannot be perceived without peaceful coexistence of Abkhazians and Georgians. Negotiations, however, with the Abkhaz separatist

government failed to yield any results. The only agreement signed between the two sides was about establishment of joint Georgian-Abkhaz administration for Gali, which was not fulfilled due to events of May-June. Georgian non-governmental organizations were trying to use public diplo-macy and assist in resolution of the conflict. Although Abkhaz population is reluctant to establish close contacts out of fear of their government. One of the unique examples of Georgian and Abkhaz cooperation is a joint project for Enguri hydro power plant rehabilitation. This huge HEP is the main source of electric energy both for Abkhazia and for other parts of Georgia. It is served by Georgian specialists and controlled by the Abk! iaz. and Russian military forces.

In orderto bring aboutquicksettlement of Abkhaz conflict international organizations are trying to organize multilateral negotiations, in which participate Georgians, Abkhazians and Russians, as athird party. However, no concrete solutions have been found so far.

North Caucasians, in particular Chechens have expressed their desire to play the role of a mediator in the conflict. Pro-separatist tendencies in the North Caucasus are slowly fading away. Chechens helped to release Georgian cap- lives. Among those Chechens who assisted Georgian prisoners was Shamil Basayev, who in the beginning of the conflict was fight ing on the side of separatists. The main impediments to conflict resolution are demographic factor and a political status of the region. Issue of Abkhazia's political status is often considered as critical for conflict resolution. Georgian government was ready to compro mise and reach an agreement, which would not violate Georgia's territorial integrity and would simultaneously reflect Abkhaz national interests. Anyagreementon status, however, would require complete return of the displaced

population to their homes. This would make again Georgian nationals a majority in Abkhazia, which is undesirable for the separatist government. Currently the separatist government allows return of only those Georgians who would change their nationality and declare themselves either Abkhaz or Mengrelian (to note Mengrelian nation does not exist. Mengrelians are Georgians living in Abkhazia's bordering region Samegrelo, and in Gali). Recently the Abkhaz separatists came up with another scandalous idea, suggesting to the residents of Kodori gorge(which is the only territory in Abkhazia under

Georgian government's jurisdiction) and Samegrelo region to declare independence and unite with Abkhazia in a confederation.

Hostile attitude between Georgians and Abkhazians still prevails, although some journalists and witnesses say that there are many supporters of peaceful resolution of the conflict among the Abkhaz, but they are afraid to speak out. This will complicate restoration of old social ties in Abkhazia. At the same time some Abkhazians have attitude similar to that of post Nazi Germans, who refused to believe in concentration camps, gas chambers, and numerous holocaust victims.

Returning to Abkhazia by military means is a popular idea among some Georgians as well, especially among the I DPs who lost members of their families and friends. The majority of Georgians, however, as well as the Georgian government strongly believes in peaceful settlement of the conflict.

The separatists on the other hand, are building strong propaganda machine, teaching school children hostility and hate of Georgians. They give skewed perspective of history, depicting Abkhazia as an independent state conquered by Georgia. According to their version of history, Georgians are to be blamed for all problems and mischieves Abkhazia had suffered for centuries. The separatist killers, who massacred thousands of peaceful civilian people are acclaimed as heroes of the nation. As time passes, itwill be more and more difficult to change hostile attitude of young people.